Thursday, May 27, 2021

Samuel Brannan: the Mormon leader in California matched wits with Brigham Young


Samuel Brannan is unique among Mormon historical figures because his role goes beyond his contribution to Mormonism. Brannan (1818-1889) was trusted enough to lead a Mormon colony on a very long sail from the east coast to what is now San Francisco. The ship, The Brooklyn, stopped in Hawaii. While in California, gold was discovered, and Sam Brannan made a public announcement of the find.

It was gold which led to Brannan’s disassociation from the Mormon Church, and being officially severed from the church in 1851. Once gold was discovered, Brannan became very eager to collect tithes. (Until then, Brannan had overseen the colony of Mormons in a less than pious manner, without organizing a branch, causing one of his party to complain to church leaders that the colony was “acting in the same manner as their neighbors … speculating in land, drinking, gambling, and giving their daughters in marriage to non-Mormons.

(I take a short break to note that the source of this post is from the April 1959 edition of the Utah Historical Quarterly, “The Apostasy of Samuel Brannan,” written by Eugene E. Campbell.)

Indeed, Brannan made sure the Mormon aspect of his colonization was underplayed. The move was successful to the extent that it made him a leading public figure in the early days of San Francisco. Brannan also became a big booster of the Latter-day Saints moving from Utah to California, telling members that would happen soon. Brannan’s deliberate policy of downplaying Mormonism — he published in the newspaper he started, “The California Star,” that the paper would “eschew with the greatest caution, everything that stands to the propagation of sectarian dogma” — put him at odds with Brigham Young and the Utah church leadership, which desired a propagation of Mormonism.

As a result, Brannan found himself in conflict with more traditional church members who sent messages to Salt Lake City unfavorable to the church’s San Francisco leader. Brannan, on the other hand, attempted to maintain a non-traditional manner of control over his branch of the  church while at the same time sending Brigham Young slavish, sycophantic notes professing his allegiance and desiring counsel on various matters from Young.

Anyone who has read John Turner’s definitive biography of “Brigham Young” can only imagine how the sardonic Young would react to Brannan’s attempts to mollify him. It all came to a head after Young learned of Brannan’s energetic attempts to gather “tithing” from gold being prospected in northern California. Using a very polite manner of snark, Young sent Brannan a letter that put his faith in Mormonism to an economic test.

In the letter, Young wrote, “The man who is always doing right has no occasion to fear any complaints that can be made against him, and I hope that you have no cause to fear. I am glad to hear you say that I may rely on your ‘pushing every nerve to assist me and sustain me to the last,’ for I do not doubt that you have been blessed abundantly and now shall have it in your power to render most essential service.” At this point, Young got to specifics, instructing Brannan to send $10,000 tithing to Apostle Amasa Lyman, as well as $20,000 to assist him, Brigham Young, and another $20,000 to assist “Brothers Kimball and Richards.”

At the end of his letter, Young wrote, “Now, Brother Brannan, if you will deal justly with your fellows, and deal out with a liberal heart and open hands, making a righteous use of your money, the Lord is willing that you should accumulate the treasures of the earth and good things in times of abundance, but should you withhold when the Lord says give, your hope and pleasing prospects will be blasted in an hour you think not, and no arm to save. But I am pursuaded (sic) better things of Brother Brannan. I expect all that I have asked when Brother Lyman returns and may God bless you to this end is the prayer of your brother in the new covenant.”

I doubt very seriously that Brigham Young expected to get $10,000, or $50,000 from Samuel Brannan when the apostle Lyman arrived. But the Mormon prophet did know how to get rid of a leader he wanted out. Faced with the prospect of remaining a leader in the California LDS Church or parting with tens of thousands of dollars, Brannan found it an easy decision to leave Mormonism. When Lyman arrived, he and his companion were given $500 by Brannan as well as some books. Lyman’s companion, Charles C. Rich, wrote “We paid Mr. Samuel Brannan a visit and learned from him that he stood alone and knew no one only himself and his family. …

Thus ended the tenure of Samuel Brannan as a Mormon leader. He stayed busy, becoming California’s first millionaire and a leading citizen of early San Francisco. There he became a leader of the crime-fighting group, The Vigilantes. It was that association which finally led to his excommunication from the Mormon Church. The church branch disciplined him via unanimous vote for “a general course of unchristianlike conduct, neglect of duty, and for combining with lawless assemblies to commit murder and other crimes.”

That was the official reason. But Brannan’s fate in the Mormon Church was sealed when he chose to ignore Young’s sly, ironic request for a share of the gold that had been discovered in California.

Ironically, although Brannan became a millionaire, he eventually lost his fortune and died in poverty. According to Campbell’s UHQ piece, his body was unclaimed in San Diego for a year before a friend donated a gravesite.

A devout Mormon might cite Young’s words, “but should you withhold when the Lord says give, your hope and pleasing prospects will be blasted in an hour you think not, and no arm to save” as being a fulfilled prophecyOthers just might think that this Mr. Brannan was the victim of bad financial luck in the latter decades of his life.

-- Doug Gibson

-- Originally published at StandardBlogs

Monday, May 10, 2021

Joseph Smith for President book details Mormonism founder's frustration with states rights

 


Review by Doug Gibson

The ill-fated decision by LDS Church prophet and founder Joseph Smith, Jr., to seek the U.S. presidency in 1844 is mostly regarded as a footnote in U.S. history. Smith was martyred in late June of the presidential season, before he was formally nominated by supporters. 

Nevertheless, it retains strong interest within Mormon history, and most older active Mormons were taught of and retain a knowledge of Smith's campaign. I recall a church-sponsored book being published to some fanfare nearly 50 years ago. 

One hundred and seventy-seven years later, a scholarly book on Smith's campaign is published. It's "Joseph Smith for President -- The Prophet, the Assassin, and the Fight for American Religious Freedom, Oxford University Press. (Amazon link is here) The author is Spencer W. McBride, and he's written a concise, informative account of a campaign largely derided by the elite media of 1844, but was an extremely serious effort from Mormon missionaries and adherents who tub-thumped Smith's candidacy intensely in 1844. 


Readers may be surprised at the progressivism of Smith's campaign. Its platform included closing prisons, the mass freeing of convicts, an end to slavery and having a national bank to prevent currency instability. But, as McBride points out, the genesis of Smith's campaign was to diminish states rights as a chief political belief and policy. Latter-day Saints of that time had already suffered greatly in various states, most notably Missouri. In fact, as McBride notes, legal and political forces were still actively trying to extradite Smith and other Mormons back to Missouri. A chief reason for Nauvoo's charter of government, including having essentially an army, was to stop outside efforts to arrest Smith.

Long before modern efforts using the federal government to correct regional and state prejudices and inequities, Mormons actively sought from the federal government restitution -- for both physical persecutions and financial losses -- for what they had endured in Missouri. McBride's book shows how easy it was in that era to contact and lobby the president of the United States. Knock on the White House door and request the president's ear.

Access was easier then, but getting results was perhaps as frustrating as today. President Martin Van Buren made it clear he would not help the Mormons, candidly admitting of future political liabilities. Undaunted, Mormon representatives took their requests to the U.S. Congress. They eagerly responded to sympathetic voices from members of Congress, but fell prey to the usual political games of Congress. They achieved progress in committee, but never got close to achieving majority support in Congress. 

A constant argument against Smith's and the Mormon's request for restitution was that the state, rather than the federal government, needed to correct its injustices. Petitions to presidential candidates of that era, including Lewis Cass and Henry Clay, also proved fruitless. Obviously, any chance of restitution, or even mercy, from Missouri was an impossibility. 

Hence the presidential campaign of Joseph Smith, nominated by the Quorum of the 12 Apostles. Whether General Smith -- of Nauvoo's militia -- actually believed he could win, or was using his candidacy to enhance political status for Mormonism, is still open to debate. The campaign effort was serious, with missionaries called to preach his candidacy, a pamphlet of campaign positions published, newspapers and presidential candidates lobbied, a nominating convention planned, and a nationwide search for a vice presidential candidate.

As McBride notes, easterner James Arlington Bennet, a famous author and newspaper publisher, was asked to be vice president to Smith. A bit of an opportunist, Bennet had been baptized but was not active in the church. His chief goal, explains McBride, was to become governor of Illinois. He had previously accepted an honorary position in the Nauvoo militia. Prominent Mormon Willard Richards, a friend of Bennet's, presented him with an invitation to join the ticket. As McBride notes, Bennet was blunt with his refusal, believing there was no chance Smith could win the office.

More efforts to get a vice presidential candidate -- outside of the inner circle of the church -- were unsuccessful. Even an obscure Southern states politician turned a deaf ear to a request. Eventually, longtime Mormon leader Sidney Rigdon was nominated. It was a safe but still curious choice, as the pair's relationship was strained, primarily due to polygamy.

On June 27, 1844, Joseph Smith and his brother Hyrum were killed in a jail in Carthage, Ill. Polygamy, fears of Mormonism's political strength, unpopular political chicanery and backstabbing, bigotry, a prejudiced interpretation of "Christianity," and outrage over a bad decision by Smith to destroy a newspaper opposed to his leadership; all contributed to a mob killing the brothers. In today's world of immediate news, it's hard to comprehend that weeks after the murders, the news hadn't spread far. Missionaries were still campaigning for Smith after his death, unaware of the slaughter. 

The Mormons proved themselves far less bloodthirsty than the mob that killed the Smiths. The killers' leaders and eggers-on escaped consequences. Mormons wanted out of the United States, a sentiment that made Utah a more desirable exodus location than say, Texas, which was in the process of U.S. assimilation. The Mormons would, however, eventually learn that moving to Utah would not free them from national oversight.

"Joseph Smith for President" provides a fair, detailed look at the Quixotic presidential campaign/ McBride compares the Mormons' experience of oppression with similar occurrences suffered by Jews and Catholics in the 19th century United States. He draws states rights as a tool oppressors have used to maintain discrimination, whether against religions or ethnicities. He also points to an ugly consequence of such discrimination justified for religious purposes: the oppressors claim divine approval for their bigotry. 

With states unable to police against bigotry, it becomes imperative for the federal government to correct injustice, something Joseph Smith realized 180 years ago. His platform did not just to protect Mormonism, but other religious alternatives to the prevailing Christianity of the time.

Wednesday, May 5, 2021

On the edge of Mormonism's inside -- a review of Why I Stay 2

 


"Why I Stay 2: The Challenges of Discipleship for Contemporary Latter-day Saints," (Signature Books, 2021), is a collection of essays from Latter-day Saints -- many perhaps more liberal -- who explain why they remain active members of a church predominantly comprised of more conservative members, at least in the United States.

The book is edited by academic Robert A. Rees, who penned an introduction and also an essay. He notes how Mormonism has changed a lot since the initial "Why I Stay" book was published a decade ago. I recall reading "Leaving the Fold," published a generation ago, and it's true that reasons for so-called faith crisis have more impact at different eras. 

That's not to say questions and concerns ever disappear, but at times historical revision and transparency had a bigger impact than they do perhaps now. Issues of same-sex marriage, disputes over transgender rights issues, and even rancor over former U.S. President Donald Trump likely play roles in testing an individual's commitment to Mormonism. 

To me, the greatest value in the collection is it offers readers the opportunity to learn and appreciate that others -- Saints who want to do good -- are just as righteous as we are, regardless of our cultural and political differences. This may seem like an obvious truth, but assigning evil to others due to disagreement has been going on since Cain slew Abel. The unfortunate maxim -- we demand perfection from those we despise -- still thrives.

The late playwright Eric Samuelson, in his essay, recalls listening during his mission to a general authority provide useless sales-oriented advice to Samuelson and other missionaries. However, the experience taught Samuelson that inspiration is "intermittent," and therefore to be treasured as a gift of the spirit that blesses us. It taught him not everything he hears in an ostensibly spiritual setting is inspiration. His essay concludes with a powerful anecdote of a Spanish-speaking member providing him a blessing of health.

Writer Carol Lynn Pearson's essay posits that she stays because she finds love in the church, and if she encounters a situation where there is not love, the church provides her an opportunity to create love. This is a strong point, particularly in this era where there is strong division over sexual orientation and gender issues. I recall as an editorial page editor, more than a decade ago, receiving many phone calls over the issue of same-sex marriage, which was not legally decided at that time. Callers tended to express their opinions on the issue with hate, rather than love. While this happened on both sides it was predominantly expressed, by callers opposing the issue. 

An essay from Mitch Mayne, a gay Mormon who is active in the church, reminds readers that "Mormonism isn't merely a religion -- it is also a culture, and one that deeply embeds itself into who we are as humans." 

Mayne acknowledges it is tough to stay when he hears messages from other believers that he doesn't belong. But he doesn't want to lose his faith, his culture. He doesn't want the holes in his life that would result from leaving his faith. His essays tells us how he stays in the church, and it's inspiring. He knows he alone is tasked with following the Savior and being a spiritual person.

In a recent Dialogue, Maxine Hanks, who returned to the faith after an excommunication, counseled readers (she was speaking to a group in Utah County) that one way to strengthen our own commitment to the Gospel is to respect the faith journeys of our peers. Loving people brings spirituality. Denouncing people like us because they think the same creates contention, and pleases the Adversary.

"Why I Stay 2" can also make us think about our own personal faith crisis, or even just disagreements. We all have them. Acknowledging that can create some much-needed empathy. (Here is a link to "Why I Stay 2" at Amazon.)

-- Doug Gibson